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Bath State Historic Site
From the first, there had been an Indian problem in Bath County. While disease had broken the power of the Pampticough tribe in the neighborhood of Bath, there remained many other small tribes scattered throughout Bath County. Behind these small tribes lay the powerful Tuscarora, an Iroquoian tribe closely connected to the Five Nations in New York. The movement of settlers into Bath County and up the Pamlico and Neuse Rivers had been watched with fear and resentment by the Tuscarora and the smaller tribes in this area. Favorite hunting grounds were being overrun and choice village sites were becoming sites for the settlers' towns. While the chief danger to the settlers from Indian attacks came from the many Tuscarora, the first resistance the land-hungry settlers of Bath County faced came from the smaller tribes into whose territory they first moved. The first to resist the advancing tide of civilization were the Core (sometimes called Coree) and Nynee Indians, who lived south of the Neuse River. In 1703 they were declared public enemies by the Carolina government, which was determined to carry on a war against them. While the records of this conflict are gone, the Indians evidently were defeated, for the next time they are mentioned in history, they have moved into the interior where the Tuscarora have granted them land only six miles from one of their chief towns. Throughout Bath County during the first decade of the eighteenth century, rumors of Indian plots and conspiracies constantly spread. In 1703, Lionel Reading wrote that an Indian had told one settler that several villages had "fully resolved to make trail (trial) of it for to see which is the ardiest." The next year word spread that some of the Tuscarora towns near the Pamlico settlement were becoming unusually friendly with the Bear River Indians, with the apparent intention of inciting them to attack the whites. About this same time the Machapunga Indians began to harass the settlers, which took the form of threats, hog-stealing, and actual assault on one settler. The settler did not fail to note that the Machapunga moved their village "nigh a wildnernesse where upon the least Intimation they can easily repair without being pursued."
Throughout this period the Bear River and Machapunga Indians continued their petty annoyances, and the settlers continued to petition the government for something to be done about the situation. Little seems to have been though for the settlers remained prey to roving bands of Indians who would enter a settler's home, ransack it, kill his hogs, and assault him if he protested.
In 1707, Robert Kingham reported that the settlers on the Pamlico told him that "they expected ye Indians every day to come and cutt their throat and yet they had no person to head ym [them] or Else they would goe and secure all ye Pamticough Indians."
Obviously, relations between the early white settlers and the Indians were not as harmonious as many historians have pictured. From the first, the Indians resented the colonists' encroachment upon their territory and used every means they had to show this resentment, at times resorting to out and out war. The Tuscarora, by all odds the dominant Indian power in North Carolina, had watched the steadily growing settlements with distrust, seething over each movement into a new area. When the tide of civilization flowed into the Pamlico-Neuse region, they saw the handwriting on the wall. They now decided they must make a stand or gradually be overrun, and by the summer of 1711, apparently decided to try to destroy the whites. Other actions by the whites also caused the Indians to act. Perhaps nothing made them hate the settlers of Bath County more than the whites' kidnapping and enslavement of their people. By 1710, this had reached such proportion that the Tuscarora sought permission of the government of Pennsylvania to settle in that colony so that their children born and those soon to be born might have room to sport and play without danger of slavery. In their quaint phrases, they begged "a cessation from murdering and taking them, that by the allowance thereof, they may not be afraid of a moose, or any other thing that Ruffles the Leaves." Closely akin to this problem was the ill-feeling and misunderstanding surrounding trade between Indians and the white settlers. The whites felt that the Indian traders were hard men who drove hard bargains. Conversely, the Indians soon saw that the whites were cheating them in their transactions, for the traders, John Lawson tells us, esteemed it "a Gift of Christianity not to sell to them so cheap as [they did] to the Christians." The traders, knowing the Indians' weakness for strong drink, often got the Indians drunk as a means of defrauding and stripping them of their property. One observer reports that the Indians were never "contented with a little, but when once begun, they must make themselves quite drunk; otherwise they will never rest, but sell all they have in the World, rather than not have their full dose." Certainly another reason for the Indians' decision to take up the tomahawk was the indignities inflicted on them by the white settlers. The Indians were a proud, dignified, and lordly people, unaccustomed to the condescending and often insulting way the whites often treated them. Just a few days before they sought their revenge they complained to a settler who had been unfortunate enough to fall into their hands, that they "had been very badly treated and detained by the inhabitants of the Pamtego, Neuse and Trent Rivers, a thing which was not to be longer endured." That the whites, who looked upon the Indians "with Scorn and Disdain" and considered them "little better than Beasts in Human Shape," eventually felt their wrath cannot be too surprising. During the summer of 1711, the inhabitants of North Carolina were far too plagued with rebellion, drought, and disease to observe the actions of the Indians closely. There had been one alarm during the summer when word spread that the followers of [Thomas] Cary were attempting to incite the Tuscarora to attack the followers of Governor Hyde. Both Cary and the Indians vehemently denied this and it was quickly forgotten.
While it is doubtful that Cary or any of his followers invited the Indians to take the warpath, doubtlessly the Indians saw the confusion the rebellion created. It was an opportune time for them to strike.
The Indians began their plotting in complete secrecy, and until the moment they struck, no hint of their plans reached the settlers. The chief leader in the conspiracy appears to have been King Hancock, chief of the Tuscarora town of Catechna. Acting in accord with the chief men of the other tribes in the Pamlico-Neuse area, Hancock was able to persuade the Bay River, Machapunga, Neusiok, Coree Woccon, and Pampticough tribes to join in the plans. Together, these tribes had a fighting force of about 250 men. Hancock, himself, was able to furnish about 250 Tuscarora, although most of the Tuscarora under the leadership of Chief Tom Blunt refused to join him. The plans of the hostiles called for the massacre of all settlers and the complete destruction of every plantation in Bath County. It was agreed among the conspirators that the attack would fall without warning at dawn on September 22, 1711.
The Death of John Lawson
Around the 10th or 12th of September, despite Gale's withdrawal, Lawson and Von Graffenried set out in a canoe up the Neuse accompanied by two Negro slaves and two Indians from the neighborhood of New Bern. Around dusk on the second or third day out, the small party was suddenly surrounded by a force of 60 armed Indians. The hostiles seized the explorers and carried them captive to the nearby Tuscarora town of Catechna, Hancock's town and the center of the conspiracy. Here they were brought before King Hancock, who ordered them held until a council could decide their fate. On the following night a great assembly, or war council, was held to which chiefs from many neighboring villages came. The two white men were given seats in the council ring, questioned as to the motive of their trip, and then (after much deliberation by the council) informed that they might go free on the morrow.
The next morning as Lawson and Von Graffenried were preparing to leave, some chiefs, who had not been at the council the night before, arrived and demanded to question the pair further. At this point Lawson became involved in a violent argument with Cor Tom, a chief of Coree Town who had long been known for his unfriendly feeling toward the whites. As a result of this quarrel, Lawson and Von Graffenried were seized, bound, and carried back to the council ring of the night before. There another council hastily condemned the two white men to death. That night a great execution dance was held. The prisoners were placed beside a large fire and a conjurer, or medicine man, began prancing before them muttering spells and threats. Behind this group stood two rows of armed guards. Around all danced the painted [Indians] whom Graffenried later described as looking "more like a troop of devils than like other creatures; if one represents the devil in the most terrible shape that can be thought of." Meanwhile, Graffenried's threats of reprisals by the Queen of England if he were harmed had alarmed the Indians, so they queried Chief Tom Blunt regarding what to do. Blunt advised them to spare Von Graffenried, but to do as they willed with Lawson. Acting upon this advice the Catechna council determined that Von Graffenried might live, but Lawson must die. Graffenried was then led away from the terrible scene and imprisoned in a hut, being unable to make even a sign to the condemned Lawson, who throughout the ordeal had maintained a stoic silence. While Graffenried was imprisoned within the hut, John Lawson—father of "that famous city of Bath"—was executed. The way in which Lawson was killed was kept from Von Graffenried, although he appears to think Lawson's throat was cut with a razor he had carried on the trip. One of the Negro slaves whose life had been spared reported that Lawson was hanged. Another account says Lawson was stuck full of small lightwood splinters and set gradually on fire, a method of execution that Lawson had described in great detail in his [published] history of Carolina.
Von Graffenried was told of the Indians' plans for their attack on the Bath County settlement. However, because the Indians kept him prisoner for several weeks, he was unable to warn the settlers of the planned massacre.
The Massacre Begins
Daybreak on Saturday, September 22, was the signal for the attack. Simultaneously, the painted and befeathered warriors struck along the Neuse and Pamlico river systems. The Indians, dressed for war, were described as having a circle of black around one eye, and a circle of white around the other, designed to terrify their enemy and to keep their identity hidden. Well armed with guns and ammunition, they made short work of those taken at the first surprise. Men, women, and children—regardless of age or condition—were killed . Houses were pillaged and burned, crops were trampled and destroyed, and livestock driven off or killed. Looting and killing, the Indians devastated Bath County, particularly around the head of the Neuse and along the south side of the Pamlico River.
Tradition states that the home of John Porter Jr., at the head of Chocowinity Bay on the Pamlico, was among the first houses attacked, and that Porter and Dr. Patrick Maule (who was visiting him at the time) were able to beat off the Indians and escape with the women and children in a boat. The Indians mutilated many of their victims. The family of a Mr. Nevil, who probably resided near the mouth of Blounts Creek on the Pamlico River, was treated in a barbarous manner by the Indians. Mr. Nevil, "after being shot, was laid on the house-floor, with a clean pillow under his head, his stockings turned over his shoes, and his body covered with new linen. His wife was set upon her knees, and her hands lifted up as if she was at prayers, leaning against a chair in the chimney corner, and her coats turned up over her head. A son of his was laid out in the yard with a pillow laid under his head and a bunch of rosemary laid to his nose." Even the Negro slaves were not spared, for a slave belonging to Mr. Nevil was killed and his right hand cut off. The nearest neighbor of Nevil's was shot and his body laid upon his wife's grave. Christopher Gale remembered that "women were laid on the house floors and great stakes driven up through their bodies. Pregnant women had the unborn children ripped out and hung upon trees."
Amid such scenes of violence, the whites who survived the first onslaught fled their homes and gathered together at some reasonably defensible point. Bath Town, New Bern, and the Brice plantation on the Trent were soon filled with refugees. For about three days the Indians burned, plundered, and killed without hindrance from the survivors—who dared not to venture out to bury the dead, who were left prey for dogs, wolves, and vultures.
At last, loaded with plunder and prisoners, the Indians withdrew to their towns. They had killed some 130 or 140 people and left many others dangerously wounded. They also took some 20 or 30 prisoners. The Swiss and Palatine losses were the heaviest. They accounted for about 60 or 70 of those slain in the massacre. The town of New Bern was spared by the Indians (from whom Von Graffenried had secured a promise not to harm the village). The prisoners were women and children who, having seen their families butchered before their eyes, were carried back to the villages to serve the Indians as slaves.
From stricken Bath County went messengers to the Albemarle requesting immediate help. Albemarle County had emerged unscathed from the massacre, saved by the neutrality of a portion of the Tuscarora. Governor Edward Hyde immediately dispatched messengers to Virginia and South Carolina requesting aid, and began to collect a force to be sent to the beleaguered and stunned settlers on the Pamlico and Neuse rivers. The Quakers, who formed a large portion of the population of Albemarle County, refused to bear arms, and the ill will that Cary's Rebellion had engendered hampered North Carolina's efforts throughout the entire Indian war.
In the Pamlico and Neuse area the plantations were generally abandoned for a few more easily defended points. Probably the larger refugee center was the town of Bath, where there were reported to be over 300 widows and orphans in that area in a pitiful condition. While records are vague on this point, it appears that Bath was not overrun at the time of the massacre, and it is not likely that many were killed within the limits of the town. A fort, located on the rising ground in the center of the Bath peninsula, appears to have been hastily constructed to protect the citizens and refugees. The furthest westward garrison on the Pamlico was located at the Lionel Reading plantation, on the south side of the river, across from the mouth of Chocowinity Bay. Some settlers having gone unscathed through the massacre attempted to fortify their homes and remain, but these isolated plantations fell one by one to the Indians, who leisurely picked them off. Elsewhere on the Neuse and in the Core Sound area, forts were established; and by October, a total of eleven garrisons had been established in Bath County.
Resistance
Despite the lack of support from Bath, Brice continued to advance into Indian territory until overwhelmed by at least 300 warriors. He was forced to fall back to his fortified plantation on the Trent River.
Here matters stood while aid from neighboring colonies was awaited. Virginia, despite promises and much talk, never dispatched a single soldier to the aid of North Carolina. Governor Alexander Spottswood of Virginia eventually dispatched a small amount of powder and cloth to North Carolina. Efforts were also made by the Virginia government to keep the neutral Tuscarora under Tom Blunt out of the war, and to turn them against their fellow tribesmen.
Help Arrives — The Barnwell Expedition
On February 6, Barnwell reached the Pamlico River some five miles below Uncouh-He-runt, one of the three Tuscarora towns on that river. During the crossing, Barnwell's rear guard was attacked by 50 or 60 Tuscarora, who were soon put to flight. Barnwell's force, now reduced to 25 white men and 178 Indians, then moved down the north shore of the Pamlico, "passing well ruined English plantations" and fording the many broad creeks that abound in that area.
On February 10, Barnwell sent out a patrol that reached Bath Town, and on the next day the entire force was transported there. The joyous reception given Barnwell's men brought tears to the eyes of the rough South Carolinians.
Barnwell's force remained on the Pamlico from February 11 to February 27, awaiting supplies and men. On February 26, Barnwell was joined by 67 North Carolinians, most of whom had no ammunition. Consequently, Barnwell stripped the Pamlico garrisons of their ammunition. On February 27, the South Carolina commander left Fort Reading on the Pamlico and began his advance on Hancock's fort a short distance above Catechna, on the Contentnea Creek's west bank.
When he at last made his attack on the fort, he found that it contained many white captives whom the Indians at once began to torture, and whose pleas and cries could be heard by the besiegers. Many in the attacking force had relatives within the fort, and they begged Barnwell to negotiate with the Indians for their release. Barnwell began parlaying with the Indians, who agreed to release the twelve prisoners within the fort if Barnwell would withdraw. He agreed to this and the Indians promised to meet him on March 19, at Batchelours Creek near New Bern to discuss terms.
Barnwell withdrew but the Indians failed to keep their promised rendezvous on March 19. He then established a garrison at Qurhous on the south side of the Pamlico, across from Bath Town, to keep open land communication between the Pamlico and the Neuse. He also planned a second attack on Hancock's fort. After building a fort of his own (Fort Barnwell) on the Neuse some 30 miles above New Bern, Barnwell surrounded Hancock's fort on April 7, 1712, with 153 white men and 128 Indians. A ten-day siege followed, which ended with the surrender of the fort on rather generous terms, requiring that only King Hancock and three other Indians be delivered up and several lesser articles of surrender be carried out.
The failure of Barnwell to destroy the Indians brought upon him the censure of the North Carolina government. Despairing of a generous reward for his efforts to aid North Carolina, Barnwell seized some of the surrendered Indians for slaves and returned to South Carolina. This breach of the surrender terms brought on a new wave of Indian attacks along the Neuse and Pamlico and the war broke out again in all its fury.
The Death of Governor Hyde
The Moore Expedition and the Fall of Fort Neoheroka
Every effort was made by Pollock to ready the exhausted colony for a final attack on the Indians. With everything in readiness, Moore moved out of Albemarle County on January 17, 1713. Extremely bad weather and an unusually deep snow forced Moore to halt at Fort Reading on the Pamlico until February 4, when he resumed his march on the Tuscarora towns.
The chief Tuscarora stronghold was now Fort Neoheroka located a few miles above old Fort Hancock on Contentnea Creek. About March 1, 1713, Moore laid siege to this well protected log and earthen fort with a force of over 1,000 whites and Indians. On March 20, the final attack was launched, but it was not until March 23 that the last resistance was crushed. The victory was complete and crushed forever the power of the Tuscarora nation. In the battle, the Tuscarora lost at least 392 killed and burned within the fort and 166 killed or captured outside the fort. In addition, the attackers captured 392 of the Indian defenders, making the total loss of the Tuscarora in the engagement 950 men, women, and children killed or captured. The remaining hostile Tuscarora abandoned their other strongholds and fled deep into the interior toward the Virginia border, most of them eventually going to New York where they joined the Five Nations.
The war was not over, however, for at the very time Moore was conducting his attack on Fort Neoheroka, the Machapunga and Coree had been striking at the settlements along the Pungo River, a short distance below Bath, and in the vicinity of Mackays. Following the fall of Neoheroka, Pollock decided to stamp out this resistance at once and requested Moore to send some of his Indians into the Pamlico area to hunt them down.
Moore gathered the 120 or 130 Indians who had not returned to South Carolina and marched to the Pamlico where, in June 1713, he attempted to crush these remaining hostiles. He was only partially successful, for as one contemporary account states, the trackless wilderness from which these Indians operated lay "between Matchapungo River and Roanoke Island which is about 100 miles in length and of considerable breadth, all in a manner lakes, quagmires, and cane swamps, and is . . . one of the greatest deserts in the world, where it is almost impossible for white men to follow them." After Moore's swamp campaign, matters quieted down for several months and about September 1, 1713, Colonel Moore returned to South Carolina.
By the spring of 1714, one or two small bands of Indians were once more spreading terror among the Bath County plantations. One account describing their activities explained that "they rove from place to place cut off two or three families today and within two or three days do the like a hundred miles off from the former. They are like deer—there is no finding them." Throughout 1714, Bath County was kept in a constant turmoil and Fort Reading on the Pamlico, along with other strategic points, remained garrisoned by a force of whites and Indians.
The War Ends
As the Tuscarora War came to its dreary end, a normal way of life gradually returned to Bath and its vicinity. Bath's abnormally swollen population gradually dispersed as settlers returned to their burned plantation homes and weed-choked fields, and as orphans and widows found refuge with relatives and friends. Forts, garrisons, and sentry duty no longer held their old importance.
To many, however, Bath County appeared finished. A frontier region, poor before the Tuscarora War, now lay completely devastated and ruined, with many of her leaders the victims of war and disease. Yet, the last of the hostile Indians had not surrendered when the work of rebuilding got under way.
The town of Bath, where life had not ceased in the darkest days of the war, appears to have experienced a minor boom in the period immediately following the conflict. Lots were purchased from the town's commissioners, resold, and resold again. New mercantile houses were opened; Governor Charles Eden honored the little town by purchasing several lots and a home on Bay Street; Christopher Gale sold his plantation, "Kirby Grange," and moved into his town house on Bay Street, probably to make easier the performance of his duties attendant on his new post as North Carolina's first chief justice; Maurice Moore, hero of the late war, purchased lots and a home beside that of Gale; Edward Moseley, long-time speaker of the General Assembly and perhaps the colony's finest citizen, acquired a home and lots in the town; and Edward Travis, physician, settled in a house on Bay Street in late 1716.
Settlers would come and go, and within a few short years the citizens of Bath Town would experience the effects of piracy—and make the acquaintance of the most notorious rogue ever to menace the high seas.
Edited and adapted from: A History of Colonial Bath, by Herbert R. Paschal Jr. (Raleigh, N.C.: Edwards & Broughton, 1955). |